The Hellenistic Period in History and Memory

The conquest of the Persian Empire in 331 BCE by Alexander the Great (r. 334–323 BCE) brought the province of Judah into the orbit of a political world dominated by Greek language and ideas and populated by Greek and Macedonian mercenaries and settlers. Although the early Greek biographers of Alexander make no mention of a conquest of the inland hill country of Judah, nor of Jerusalem, Jews preserved stories about a campaign against Jerusalem that was forestalled by the high priest Jaddua. The degree to which such traditions are inspired by folk or literary traditions is difficult to assess. Although largely legendary, Josephus’ retelling is important not only for the way it reflects a collective memory but also for how it expresses ongoing tensions and debates between Samaritans (northerners who claimed common Israelite heritage but were rejected by the Judeans) and Judeans.

Few administrative arrangements were in place for the conquered territories when Alexander died in 323 BCE, and his generals (the Diadochoi, or “successors”) fought for control of the newly occupied lands, at first as protectors of Alexander’s territory and in support of one of his two possible heirs, but eventually explicitly in their own interests. Two dynasties that emerged out of the conflicts between the Diadochoi are especially important for our subject. Ptolemy I Soter became the satrap of Egypt and claimed areas in Syria (as the region including Judah came to be called) and Asia Minor as well. After several conflicts, the battle of Ipsus in 301 BCE established Ptolemy’s control over Syria, including Judea (the Greek name for Judah), and the dynasty he established controlled the region for another century. Seleucus I Nicator was initially the satrap of Babylon. By the early third century, Seleucus had established control over extended portions of Asia Minor and over northern Syria. Eventually, in a series of conflicts between 202 and 195 BCE (as part of the Fifth Syrian War), Antiochus III established Seleucid control over Syria, including Judea.

The history of Jews and Judaism in the Hellenistic period is difficult to reconstruct from the available historical sources. The passages attributed to Hecataeus of Abdera give us a valuable picture of Jerusalem as a state organized around a temple and high priest. If authentic, the writings provide important testimony as to what an interested Greek writer might know about Jews in the late fourth century BCE. For the late Ptolemaic period (although he places the account even later), Josephus describes the life of Joseph the son of Toubias and his son Hyrcanus, emphasizing personal cultivation of a relationship with the ruling king and tax farming as a central concern of the administration. Included in the Posen Library, for example, is a letter of 257 BCE from a certain Toubias (Tobias)—perhaps a member of the same family as that from which Joseph descended—to Apollonios, a high-ranking Egyptian financial administrator. Their correspondence reflects the importance of cultivating personal connections, even if other documents from this era exhibit a concern with administration and registration of property. For the early Seleucid era, Josephus describes special privileges granted by Antiochus III to Jerusalem.

The transition from Ptolemaic to Seleucid rule in Coele-Syria (the Hellenistic-period name for the southern Levant) precipitated a series of events that would alter the political and religious landscape of Judaism and Judea. Our sources recount the events that led to an adaptation of the Jerusalem Temple for polytheistic use, persecution of Jewish practices in Judea, a popular revolt, and ultimately the rededication of the Temple. It is this rededication (Heb., ḥanukah) that is celebrated on the Jewish festival of Hanukkah.

The unfolding of the rather complicated events surrounding the second-century rebellion of the Jews against their Seleucid rulers, according to our sources, proceeded more or less as follows: Due to political intrigue, the sitting high priest Onias III came under suspicion by the Seleucid government and found it necessary to relocate to Antioch to defend himself. Jason, a brother of Onias, petitioned Antiochus IV (r. 175–164 BCE), probably early in his reign, to be appointed high priest, promising a substantial sum of money in return. In addition, Jason oversaw the transformation of Jerusalem into a Greek city.

Jason had an ally named Menelaus, whose brother Simon had been responsible for the original suspicion of Onias. Soon after (ca. 172 BCE), Menelaus turned on Jason and gained the high priesthood for himself, holding it until 162 BCE. At this point, the differences among our sources make it difficult to determine exactly what happened, but (following the chronology of 1 Maccabees), Antiochus IV appears to have adopted a hostile policy toward Jerusalem, raiding the Temple (169 BCE) and then raiding the city again two years later. He then introduced the cult of Zeus Olympios on the site of the Jerusalem Temple (167 BCE) and persecuted those who continued to observe Jewish practices. It was a major change from previous Hellenistic policy (including that established by Antiochus III) to mandate Hellenistic customs. While this move had supporters in Judea, it was met with revolt by the family of the Hasmoneans, one of whose members was Judah Maccabee. Eventually, the rebels led by Judah were able to rededicate the Temple (164 BCE), a celebration that they modeled on the Feast of Tabernacles, or Sukkot.

Scholars sometimes try to interpret the activities of Onias, Jason, and Menelaus in terms of pro-Seleucid and pro-Ptolemaic factionalism, influenced by the writings of Josephus. But factionalism was also driven by conflict over internal issues and local ambitions. Early in the revolt, the Hasmoneans fought alongside a group of pietists who were willing to die rather than fight on the Sabbath (they are called hasidaioi in Greek, which corresponds to the Hebrew ḥasidim, “pious ones”). These ḥasidim may have been satisfied when the Jerusalem Temple was restored to its prior leadership and practices. When Menelaus died (ca. 162 BCE) and a new priest named Alcimus was appointed by the new Seleucid king, Demetrius I (r. 161–150 BCE), the pietists were reportedly willing to make their peace with the Seleucid leadership (1 Maccabees 7:12–16). The Hasmoneans may have had more thoroughgoing interests in establishing themselves as local rulers. Finally, a group of Jerusalemites, including members of the high priestly family, spearheaded and embraced the formal Hellenization of Jerusalem. In the course of the Hasmonean revolt, Judah sent a delegation to Rome to establish an alliance as a bulwark against Seleucid power (1 Maccabees 8–9). This would prove fateful during the Hasmonean succession crises that resulted in Judea becoming a Roman client state a century later.

Although obscure, the underlying political and religious dynamics are essential to recognize, since it seems that only these can explain some of the most dramatic features of the period: the prohibition of Jewish practices, the desecration of the Jerusalem Temple, and the subsequent struggles for power not only between Jews and Greeks but also among rival Jewish factions. We do not know from elsewhere in Antiochus IV’s reign of any global decree that, as 1 Maccabees puts it, “all should be one people, and that each should give up their particular customs” (1 Maccabees 1:41–42, NRSV).

Judea continued under the volatile native rule of the Hasmoneans, while Hasmonean leaders vied for the positions of king and high priest. During this period, the Roman Republic gained power and territory.

Read more about the Hellenistic period: 

• Hellenistic Conquest of the Levant

• Judea under Ptolemaic and Seleucid Rule

• The Hasmonean Revolt

• The Hasmonean Period

• The Rise and Decline of the Hasmonean Dynasty