The Ancient Synagogue

Archaeological Evidence for the Ancient Synagogue

Literary and epigraphic sources offer us glimpses into the nature and scale of some ancient synagogues. Fortunately, the archaeological remains of several synagogue buildings still exist. A small number of these date to the first century CE, but the vast majority date variously to the late third through seventh centuries. These buildings are usually distinguished by their monumental character and the presence of benches running along the walls, which attests to their use for public assemblies. The first-century examples lack any religious iconography, the one exception being the synagogue at Magdala, which housed a table-like stone on which was engraved a menorah, among other motifs. Later, however, in the late Roman/Byzantine period, synagogues were replete with images evoking the Temple and its cult or alluding to Jewish religious festivals, with depictions of the menorah, the shofar, the incense shovel, or the lulav and etrog. The buildings were generally furnished with a Torah shrine and a bimah (reading podium), and many of them were oriented toward Jerusalem.

Some synagogues were paved with splendid mosaic floors decorated with geometric and floral patterns or depicting biblical scenes populated with figurative images. A few pavements boasted Greco-Roman iconographic elements as well, most notably the Helios-zodiac motif. In general, the layout of the buildings was modeled on the basilica or the broadhouse. Inside was a nave flanked by two or more aisles, with columns set between the aisles. The columns supported a gabled roof or, in some cases, an upper gallery. Many synagogues had auxiliary rooms or were part of a bigger complex with various adjoining rooms, one or more courtyards, and water facilities.

Most excavated synagogues have been found in the land of Israel, but there are also a few examples in Syria, Asia Minor, and Italy, among other places. Synagogues in the diaspora were no less magnificent, but unlike those in the land of Israel, they were often repurposed buildings. The synagogue at Sardis, for instance, was formerly a gymnasium and bathhouse complex. The one at Dura-Europos was originally a domestic residence, which was then transformed into a synagogue complex, with the assembly hall decorated with a series of colorful frescoes.

Communal Ownership and Functions

The building or renovation of a synagogue constituted a substantial communal investment. Although there are scattered references to individually owned synagogues, particularly in connection with Babylonia, most buildings seem to have been the collective property of a Jewish community. Various inscriptions in mosaic or on stone refer to local benefactors, donors, and sponsors who provided financial aid for the construction, maintenance, or repair of synagogue buildings. In time, every Jewish community across the land of Israel and in the diaspora had its own synagogue. Urban centers could have several, no doubt to cater to the size and variegated character of the local communities. Synagogues also attracted a sizable audience of gentiles, including Christians in a handful of cities in Asia Minor.

From its inception, the synagogue had multiple functions. An array of sources indicate that synagogues and adjoining structures were used for group gatherings, public meetings, communal meals, the administration of legal and judicial matters, study and learning, charity, funerary rituals, the storage of communal funds, and more. Some synagogue complexes were also used as hostels. When the Jerusalem Temple still stood, synagogues such as the one commemorated in the Theodotos inscription may have accommodated pilgrims. Rabbinic literature mentions that the ḥazzan (prayer leader or possibly chief administrator) could sleep on the premises and that some of the rooms were sometimes used to house travelers. The synagogue, therefore, fulfilled important social and communal functions.

In the first century, Jews went to the synagogue on the Sabbath to read or listen to the scriptures and to hear their exposition. While the synagogue could be a place for prayer, the liturgy had not yet been institutionalized except perhaps in some few circles, such as the sect behind the Dead Sea Scrolls. After 70 CE, we see a concerted effort to create a liturgical program for synagogue worship that included fixed prayers, although it was not until much later that this crystallized into a normative or systematic framework. Rabbinic literature reflects significant divergences in practice between different communities, not to mention disagreements among the rabbis themselves. Surprisingly, however, rabbinic literature preserves very few details about actual synagogue liturgy and rituals. What we get are mere snippets pertaining to scriptural reading, prayers, targumim (Aramaic translations), and other practices. What went on in diaspora synagogues, with the exception of the Babylonian ones, is even less clear.

Synagogue Leadership

Epigraphic and literary sources mention a variety of synagogue functionaries, including the archisynagōgos and archisynagōgissa, the rosh knesset, the ḥazzan, the archon, and the pater and mater synagōges. The full range of duties no doubt varied from one place to another, and some of the titles may have been honorary. Most synagogues appear to have been run independently by the local community and its leaders or representatives.

Around the turn of the third century, the patriarch (Hebrew nasi’, meaning “prince” or “exalted one”) began to acquire clout, especially in the fourth century—that is, the first century of the Christian Roman Empire. The patriarch emerged as the representative of the Jewish community in Palestine and the diaspora, and the position continued through the late Roman and early Byzantine periods. The extent of the patriarch’s involvement in synagogue affairs remains unclear. A late patriarch named Gamaliel is said in a law of 425 CE to have funded many new synagogues. There is also little evidence that the rabbis controlled what went on in synagogues. In fact, there is a dissonance between what rabbinic literature reflects of rabbinic precepts and what the archaeological record shows were actual synagogue practices, including the embellishment of some with figural art. For many rabbis, the institution most central to their daily life was not the synagogue but the bet midrash, or “house of study.” The synagogue and the rabbinic academy, too, were distinct entities. Nonetheless, some synagogues may have had an adjacent bet midrash, as indicated by the synagogue at Meroth, and there are textual references to individual rabbis who were involved in local synagogues. Some of them preached and taught there, and others were consulted for their halakhic expertise or opinions concerning synagogue practice. It is also apparent that aspects of the liturgy, particularly prayers, were influenced by rabbinic conceptions of what they should be. Rabbinic involvement in the synagogue likely intensified over the course of the late Roman/Byzantine period.

Priests also played important roles in Jewish society, including in synagogues. In the first century, the Temple, as discussed earlier, was the main arena for the priesthood, although at least one synagogue in Jerusalem was run by a priestly family. It is possible that some priests were involved in their local synagogues, though not necessarily by virtue of their priestly stock. Judging by various inscriptions and sources, it appears that in subsequent centuries, individual priests remained actively engaged in synagogue affairs, whether as leaders or as donors and benefactors. Priests were also given priority in the reading of scriptures, and they recited the priestly blessing in the Amidah service. Priests may also have been involved in the composition of piyyutim (liturgical poetry). Some synagogues may have had a stronger priestly orientation, perhaps because priests were more prominent in those communities.

The Role of Women in Ancient Congregations

There is no evidence of separate seating for men and women in this period. Some synagogues had upper galleries, but there is nothing to suggest that they were reserved for women. An inscription from Phocaea, in Asia Minor, names a certain Tation, who was honored with a front-row seat on account of her generous contribution to the local synagogue, and in a number of synagogues, women were actively involved in leadership roles and as donors, although it is not clear that they could serve as leaders in the actual liturgy.

It bears reminding that the foregoing is a synthesis of disparate data from all over the Mediterranean and the Near East. The synagogue, however, was not a monolithic institution, and what worked in one locale may not have worked in another. Given the dissimilar sociopolitical and cultural milieus of the various Jewish communities, particularly those in the diaspora, we must assume a wide variety of practices, customs, and traditions. Nonetheless, it is significant that amid this diversity, there remained strong elements of a shared tradition.